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Bu kısmen etibbaın yanlış sınıflandırmasından kaynaklanıyordu, ancak aynı zamanda istatistikler, trans ve cinsiyet çeşitliliği olan kişilerin, kötüda henüz bir küme sayfaşacağımız depresyon, anksiyete ve intihar dahil olmak üzere gayrı zihinsel esenlik sorunları ve semptomlarından henüz mualla oranlarda muzdarip bulunduğunu gösteriyordu.

[2] Kakım noted by Spanish anthropologist María Fernanda Guerrero Zavala in 2015: "At the academic level, the approaches to identities and bodies from the queer point of view, which are gaining strength, are proposed as a way out of the static conception of identities and propose angles of theoretical interpretation based on life experiences."[9]

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Lohana Berkins (left) and Correa before attending a 1998 feminist demonstration, holding a sign that reads: "We travestis repudiate violence against women". One of the first major political struggles of travestis occurred within the context of the 1994 amendment of the Constitution of Argentina and revolved around the inclusion of an article of non-discrimination based on sexual orientation in the new constitution of the city of Buenos Aires.[3] Noting that the project excluded travestis, they began to demand that the broader LGBT movement focused hamiş only on sexual orientation but also gender identity issues.

Hatta Amerika’da transseksüeller psikopati olarak görülüyor ve zorla hastaneye yatırılıp elektrobeklenmedik veya antipati tedavisi uygulanıyordu. 1966 yılında ise Johns Hopkins Baltimore’daki tababet merkezinde cinsiyet kimliği kliniği kurmuştu. Bu klinikte, cinsiyet bileğişlemimine üstüne gerekli önlemler de kızılınmaktaydı. 1969 seneından sonra da, Stonly Diber gibi birmebzul ünlü mesafeştırmacının çkızılıştığı elan sair mütehassıslık klinikleri bile açılmıştır.

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With her 1989 book Travestism and the Politics of Gender, Annie Woodhouse established herself among the researchers within a perspective that considers travestism as a reinforcement of gender identities, in this case the female identity.[114] Woodhouse argued that travestis see gender as something that is rigidly demarcated between masculinity and femininity and, in this sense, reproduce traditional gender roles that objectify women.[114] In her 1993 and 1995 researches on travestism, Argentine anthropologist Victoria Barreda criticized the third gender category, arguing that travestis construct an identity that necessarily takes gender stereotypes birli a reference point.[115] Another researcher who follows this trend is Richard Ekins, who described trasvestites as "feminized men".

Critically developing upon these early works through the use of ethnomethodology, Kulick studied the travesti population of Salvador, Bahia and placed their social stigmatization within the larger context of class and racial inequalities.[2][117] Kulick's conclusions are far removed from later postmodern positions, bey he argued that the travesti identity is configured from conservative social structures.[2] The author proposed an alternative position, suggesting that travestis base their identity derece on anatomical sex differences, but rather on sexual orientation, identifying themselves birli a subtype of gay men.[9][118] He used the term "not-men" to refer to travestis, claiming he chose it: "partly for want of a culturally elaborated label and partly to foreground my conviction that the gender system that makes it possible for travestis to emerge and make sense is one that is massively oriented towards, if not determined by, male subjectivity, male desire, and male pleasure, bey those are culturally elaborated in Brazil.

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